Ref No: ZG/MS 02-06/08 Dated Manmasi, 2nd March 2008

OFFICE OF THE

KUKI NATIONAL ORGANISATION

GOVERNMENT OF ZALE’N-GAM

Ref No: ZG/MS 02-06/08 Dated Manmasi, 2nd March 2008

KUKI NATIONAL ORGANISATION’S OBJECTION TO THE PROPOSAL FOR A CHINDWEEN
PAKKAI STATE

On February 7 – 10, 2008, a Constitution Seminar was held at Maesot in Thailand. A proposal was put
forward by several MPs of Burma to create a Chindween Pakkai Sate, comprising the lands of Kukis,
Nagas in the Sagaing Division. This proposal is unacceptable to the Kuki National Organisation, which
seeks to create statehood for the Kukis, comprising their ancestral lands. Please note, Kukis fought
against the British colonialists to preserve their ancestral lands from 1917-1919.
In the Kuki rising 1917-1919 which is well chronicled in many contemporaneous British records, the
Kukis fought bravely and fiercely to preserve the freedom and sovereignty in their Zale’n-gam. Zale’ngam
was the land where the Kukis has complete freedom and sovereignty till 1919, when after the war
the British suppressed it. Zale’n-gam then extended from the Chindwin River in the East till the North
Cachar Hills of Assam in India. After 1919 many of the Kuki Chiefs and leaders of the war were
imprisoned at Taunggyi jail as under:

Sl. No. Name Imprisoned for:
1. Kamjadem (Kamjahen Haokip, Chief of Phailengjang I) 3 Years
2. Tongkwalun (Tongkholun Haokip, Chief of Phailengjang II) 3 Years
3. Letkwatang (Letkhothang, Chief of Khotuh) 3 Years
4. Semkwalun (Semkholun Haokip, Chief of Phaisat) 3 Years
5. Zahlun (Jalhun Haokip, Chief of Molvom) 3 Years
6. Shuku (Tukih Lupheng, Chief of Tonglhang) 3 Years
7. Vumnul (Vumngul Kipgen, Chief of Tujang) 3 Years
8. Haokwapao (Holkhopao Kipgen, Chief of Molvailup) 3 Years
9. Notzang (Nohjang Kipgen, Chief of Saisem) 3 Years
10. Ngulkolun (Ngulkholun) 3 Years

This war was not only a war for the preservation of Zale’n-gam’s sovereignty but it was also a war
against British Colonialism. During the Second World War, the Kuki’s
contribution against colonial imperialism and for the attainment of Burma’s freedom from colonial yoke
cannot be underestimated. The Kukis took active part in the war efforts of Subhas Chandra Bose and
his Indian National Warriors (INA) with headquarters at Rangoon. Both India and Burma were under
the same British Administration like us at that time. The Kukis had actively participated in the freedom
struggle against the British colonial power with the hope that they would get back the sovereignty of
Zale’n-gam, viz. The Kuki Nation. Subash Chandra Bose in fact promised this. However, unfortunately,
for us, with the victory of the Allied powers, we again saw our hopes and aspirations crushed. In the
post-colonial period we found ourselves dismembered and scattered into two countries - half in Burma
and half in India.
However, since after the Second World War we had never taken up arms or raised the banner of revolt
against either India or Burma, even while other ethnic groups in both the countries have been
continually raising their voices of dissent.
An autonomous enclave for the Kukis is warranted a hundred times over both in India as well as in
Burma but such a concept has been elusive in both the countries.
Kukis will not allow any other peoples to settle their lands in any other way than their own will.
This missive explains the reasons for KNO’s stand:
Kuki and Naga are two separate peoples. They are ethnically, socially, culturally and linguistically
unique from each other. In the case of our people in India, from 1992-1997, the NSCN (IM) carried out
the Kuki genocide in which over 900 people were killed, 350-odd villages uprooted and 50,000 plus
souls displaced. Therefore, it is not possible to create a situation where the two ethnic groups could be
put together in one administrative set up, such as a state. KNO is a member of the Federation of Ethnic
Nationalities of Burma. This organisation wants a state for each of the ethnic groups in Burma.
Presently, FENB members include Wa, Palaung, Paoh, Lahu, Chin,Arakan and Kuki. Each of these
groups has its own revolutionary organisation to fight for their political demand. Similarly, NSCN (K)
have been engaged in seeking their own political agenda for the last few decades. Their sentiment also
must be respected. It is therefore inappropriate that an idea like Chindween Pakkai State should be
mooted without consulting KNO and NSCN (K).
A study of the proposal for Chindween Pakkai State shows that the intention is to create division
between the Kukis and Nagas.
Burma is a large country which can have at least 20-30 states. This is the way each entity is duly
recognised and made integral parts of the nation.
The fourth FENB meeting was held on 18 June 2004. Excerpts of a press release from the Thai-Burma
border is as follows:
1) The fourth meeting of Federation of Ethnic Nationalities of Burma - FENB, which is formed by ethnic
nationalities from Burma, was successfully held on June 18, 2004 at Thai-Burma border. Wa National
Organization, Palaung State Liberation Front, Lahu Democratic Front, Kuki National Organization have
formed FENB in January 2002 and then came the Pa-O People Liberation Organization after one month
and today with the joining of Democratic Party of Arakan and Chin National Confederation the alliance
had seven members. FENB will keep fighting for a federal union of Burma where each and every ethnic
nationality has a state of their own and will ensure the equality of ethnic nationalities in Burma and
their right to self-determination.
2) FENB, which is based on ethnic nationality, identify their common needs and agreed to promote each
other as well as all ethnic nationals of Burma, who are owners of their ancestral land. These ethnic
nationalities have political rights, regardless of the size of their land and size of populations, advanced
or backward socio-economically have agreed to establish a genuine federal council, and a federal state
union.
3) FENB will initiate to establish a genuine federal council, so that all ethnic nationals can participate
and can guarantee their rights. FENB also aims to support the National Democratic Front and other
current political alliances, which oppose the illegal military regime.
With regard to the history of the Kuki people certain salient aspects are included in this missive for your
reference.
Culture and History:
Traditionally, Kuki form of governance is based on Haosa ki vai po (Chieftainship). The government is
comprised of a two-tiered system (bicameral): a) Upa Innpi or Bulpite Vaipohna (Upper House) and b)
Haosa Innpi or Kho Haosa Vaipohna (Lower House). Semang and Pachong (council of ministers and
auxiliary members) aid the chief in the day-to-day administration. Cha’ngloi (Assistant), Lhangsam
(Town crier), Thiempu (High Priest and Judge), Lawm Upa (Minister of Youth & Cultural Affairs), Thihpu
(Village Blacksmith) include the essential elements of a Kuki community.
In the aftermath of the ‘Kuki rising, 1917-1919’ (OIOC) the British colonialists divided Kuki ancestral
lands between British India and British Burma. Kuki ancestral land in Burma begins from the river
Chindwin, stretching to the west bordering India, in the north, up to the river Nantalit and its
surrounding regions, and to the south, the region up to the northern border of Chin State.
Following Burma’s independence from Britain in 1948, the Kukis were reconciled to being an integral
part of the country. However, general neglect of the people by the Government prompted KNO’s armed
cadre, Kuki National Army to carry out offensives against the Burmese army. These activities have now
ceased completely in view of KNO’s decision to pursue through peaceful means a solution to the Kuki
problem in Burma. In this connection, some of the grievances faced by the people are being highlighted
fro your appraisal:
In 1967, under U Muang Maung’s “Khadawami Operation” the Government of Revolutionary Council
headed by General Newin, displaced 20,000 Kukis in the Kabow valley under the excuse that they were
holding bogus “National Registration and family registration cards”.
From 1980s there have been deliberate attempts at displacing the Kukis and populating the Kabow
valley with other ethnic Burmese tribes. The settlements of Ongchija, Tanan, Myothit, Saya San,
Bandulah, Nanaungow, Mantong and Ywatha, which were deliberately set up by the Military
Government in the Kabow Valley are existing examples of discrimination against the Kukis. We do not
have objection to live with them peacefully but only as long as there is an equitable approach at the
Government policy levels. Till now the Military Government has given us a step-motherly treatment.
Since 1990 the SLORC Government have been extracting forced-labor from the Kukis in the Kabow
Valley. The Army has dispossessed many Kuki villages of their lands. A glaring example of this is at
Watsu in 1992 under the direct supervision of the General Secretary II Gen Tin O.
In the beginning of 1993 Nungkam, a Kuki village was burnt and bulldozed and in its place a new
military settlement, Saya San Ywo, was set up. The ostensible reason for this was that the Kukis refuse
to convert to Buddhism. The village Church was burnt down. There are many other instances, which
are glaring examples of SLORC’s discrimination against the Kukis in Burma (Myanmar).
The student community Kuki Students Democratic Front, Burma (KSDF) has submitted a representation
highlighting Human Rights violation by SLORC against ethnic Nationalities (1993-94) in Burma
(Myanmar). Apart from mentioning forced labour and forceful occupation of village lands by the warriors
they highlighted one incident at Phailen, a Kuki village in the Kabow Valley. It appears that one soldier
from the 89 battalion of Burmese warriors deserted his camp based in Phailen village with a few rifles
and ammunition. Subsequently, a Burmese platoon stormed into the village, killed four people and
arrested twelve others (all are consisting of Kuki religious leaders of Phailen Baptist Church). A ransom
of 200,000 Kyats was demanded for their release. U Mangpu (45), Chairman of village, Law and Order
Restoration Council; Rev. Yangkholet (48), the Pastor of Phailen Baptist Church; U Thangkhai (28) and
U Haopu (25) were brutally tortured to death, during the first week of August 1993. U Maungpu’s house
was demolished and his cows and domestic pets were used as ration for the platoon. His wife has been
imprisoned in Monywa jail since then. This news was broadcast by BBC Burmese section on11.08.93.
All these incidents of harassment, torture and discrimination by the Military Government have been a
matter of deep concern for us. We are surprised and shocked, mainly because we have never raised
the banner of rebellion against independent Burma like the other ethnic groups, such as the Chins, the
Kachins, Karens, etc. Even then we have been continuously treated as anti-nationals. The only reason
for this seems to be that we are not Buddhists but Christians in general. In this regard Myanmar has at
no time declared itself as a theocratic Buddhist State. Buddhism, as we know it, is a non-violent allencompassing
religion and in this context, the actions of the military-regime are paradoxical. As per our
understanding, Myanmar is supposed to be a democratic and peace-loving country where all ethnic
groups may live in harmony, professing any religion of their choice.
In this missive, KNO would like to draw the attention all to the following issues concerning the Kuki
people in Burma:
i) Safeguarding the territorial integrity of Kuki lands and preservation of their identity by the
Government of Burma is imperative. To the Kuki people this issue is more important than the political
status of Burma, i.e. military state or democracy.
ii) Kukis want to be fully integrated within the Union of Burma. To achieve this objective, KNO
wants the Government to accord statehood to Kuki ancestral lands.
iii) The proposal for Kuki statehood includes their ancestral lands starting from the river Chindwin
towards the west bordering India; in the north, up to the river Nantalit and its surrounding regions; and
to the south, the region stretching to the northern border of Chin State.
iv) Statehood would allay the fear that the Government might plan to inhabit ethnic Burmese
transplanted from other regions of Burma and settle them on Kuki lands with a view to rendering them
a minority in their own territory. For example, in 2004 as well, a new Burmese village, Yan Nyang Aung
was established between Lallim and Panda Kuki villages.
v) Prevent Meitei militants from Manipur in India to use Kuki lands in Burma to carry out activities
against the Kuki people, as well as the Indian army across the international border. For example, in a
recent Manipur People’s Army (conglomeration of Meitei militant groups) attack on the Assam Rifles
out-post at a Kuki village, Chavangphai, Ward 7 Moreh, near the Indo-Burma border, four local civilians,
including two women suffered severe injuries (20 July 2006, Imphal Free Press). A house at S Moljol, an
adjacent village was also hit by a 60 mm bomb, injuring two people. The BBC
http://www.bbc.co.uk/burmese/ also reported that on the Burmese side of the border, two Kuki
villages, Valpabung and Namphalong, were affected when Assam Rifles retaliated. The injured village
folks were refused immediate medical attention at the hospital at Tamu, a town in Kabaw valley
because the Burmese police reported the casualties were not caused by the crossfire that occurred the
previous night.
KNO believes that it would not be presumptuous to state that fulfilment of their aspirations would
contribute to peace and stability of the nation. Therefore, I request the Member of Parliament in exile to
support creation of Kuki statehood rather than propose a Chindween Pakkai State. Your support would
inspire confidence among the Kukis and dispel notions that Burmans and other ethnic groups intend to
exploit Kuki lands and its people.

Yours sincerely,
PS Haokip
President
Kuki National Organisation
Zale’n-gam
MANMASI

Title: KUKI NATIONAL ORGANISATION’S OBJECTION TO THE PROPOSAL FOR A CHINDWEEN PAKKAI
STATE
Author: PS Haokip (via e-mail)
Date: 3/6/2008