The Kukis Culture.

Kuki Culture

Edward Burnett Tylor is reputed to be the first to provide a clear and commonly acceptable definition of culture. In 1871 he wrote, culture is ‘that complex whole which includes knowledge, belief, art, morals, laws, custom, and any other capabilities and habits acquired by man as a member of society’ (Lexicon University Encyclopaedia). A long-standing debate has nonetheless ensued since Tylor’s definition among anthropologists and sociologists. However, there is consensus that culture is learned behaviour in contrast to genetically endowed behaviour. For the purpose of this text, culture may be stated to represent human life portraying human achievements; shared learned behaviour that refers to a group or community’s way of life and outlook of the world, their values, norms followed and the material goods they create. Elements of culture that commonly feature in ethnological literature are language, customs, beliefs, values, artefacts, symbols, religious practices and rituals, material traits, mythology, art, marriage, and inheritance. 

Culture has been considered a unique possession of human beings that represent one of the most distinguishing traits of human society. Culture, however, differs from society to society, each having one that is unique in itself. The Kuki people’s attitude to life, death, family, friends, and society also make them a distinct ethnic entity. Whether humanity should celebrate diversity of ethnicities or mould a homogenous society is worthy of thought. An example regarding this matter is the mix of communities originating from different ethnic nationalities that make up the population of the United States of America. The question is whether the country should be a ‘melting pot’ or a ‘salad bowl’? In this scenario, the former would entail garnering a monocultural and therefore a monotonous society, while the latter celebrates diversity. This condition or perhaps dilemma is illustrated in Peter de Rosa’s fable The Best of All Possible Worlds (Niles: Argus Communication, 1975). In the story, a god called IIorgath, in wanting to create the best possible world made all creatures look exactly alike, and everything else identical. After a lapse of time, the people became bored of the monotony and so begged him to diversify his creation. 

The Kuki people’s unique identity is based on their common culture, customs and traditions. In other words they have a typical way of conducting their normal daily lives. For example, there are certain regulations observed when a new village is to be established or in selecting a new area for swidden (jhum) cultivation. There are also rules pertaining to the manner in which a house is swept clean. Detailed customary regulations are to be observed by the male in propositioning marriage to a prospective wife. Customs and traditions are observed at the birth of a child and death of an individual. When a hunter kills an animal, there is a beautiful tradition of welcoming and honouring him. Clear customs are adhered to by the hunter regarding which parts of the animal must be offered to the owner of the gun, (if the gun has been borrowed) the head of the clan, and other members of the village. Every aspect of a Kuki’s life from the time of birth till reaching the grave is governed by specific customs and traditions, and particular rules and regulations. The numerous Kuki clans share these aspects of culture, besides a common past and dialects that are mutually intelligible. Some of the traditional occasions when customary rites are observed include Sa-Ai, Chang-Ai, Chon le Han, Hun, Kut, and Semang. The Kukis also have over a thousand proverbs. This is exceptional because many nations normally have around only a hundred to their credit. A couple of proverbs in one of the many Kuki dialects are Uililoh in twi asuneh in, ngachun, ngaha’n athi lo e (Tiny tadpoles smirch the pond, and blameless fish give up the ghost), Benglam in den a nisa lep ah ako-e (Benglam seeks the warmth of the sun in the shade). 

Haosa or Chieftain:

Each Kuki village is held together by social, economic, religious and political bonds. The Kuki Haosa or chieftain system of administration embodies the core of Kuki polity and is the perennial source of customs and tradition. The chief, who occupies a dominant position in village administration, has the responsibility to provide security to his villagers socially, politically and economically. All Legislative, Executive and Judicial powers are vested in him. However, in the actual day-to-day conduct of administration, the chief and his council of ministers are entirely guided by customs. The customary laws govern all criminal and civil cases. 

Household Council:

The institution of Household Council comprising three-tier systems, namely tucha, (tu means nephew or son-in-laws, and Cha, son), becha (be means a close relative and chá refers to the two individuals consisting the relationship), and sunggao (a term use to denote one’s mother’s brothers or their sons), which is one of the most important institution of Kuki society. This three-tiered relationship is derived from the marriage between families, which is prevalent in every Kuki household. Every member is assigned built-in duties to be performed, necessitating their participation without hesitation, regardless of status held in society. Therefore, when a function is held at a relative’s house, duties do not need to be assigned; each member already knows precisely what needs to be done. For instance, tucha takes charge of fetching water required in the preparation of dishes and when a family member of the in-law dies, preparations for the ceremonial cleansing of the corpse and its burial. A Kuki family normally has a number of tucha. One of the tucha is designated as tubul (head of tucha), who need not necessarily be a son-in-law, but must have at least a women of the clan to which he is tubul as his wife; if he does not have one, one of his brothers or uncles must. 
Bepa is the term used by those in the becha relationship to refer to each other. A bepa represents his family on occasions when the family to which he is bepa may be befallen with misfortune or at an event of celebration, especially when the head of the family concerned may be indisposed. At a given feast, bepa, who is vested with power and authority, acts and speaks on behalf of an ego, and is therefore regarded as representative of the ego. The duties performed by tucha and becha are not for financial or material gain, but are based on mutuality and reciprocity. Tubul, tucha and becha cannot be ordinarily changed. The relationship is continued by the eldest sons in their respective generation. Sunggao on the other hand is the guest of honour, in the sense that he does not perform any ceremonial duty at functions held at the houses of his sisters and aunts. Sunggao are not supposed to eat within the house of their tuchas or receive gifts from them. Yet they are respected and honoured and occupy a prominent place at social functions and ceremonies performed by the ego. This unique institution of household council is in practice in every Kuki society. 

The attire of Kuki men:

In appearance, Kuki bear similar features as other peoples of the Mongolian race. In the olden days, the mature men folk wore long hair tied in a knot at the nape, which was called tuhcha. Tuhbemsom, a description of this style of hairdo, was commonly used to refer to Kukis. Diel Kop, a turban like headgear, was donned by those who wished to cover their hair. The male children’s earlobes were pierced at birth; in each ear a cornelian bead was worn, fastened by a piece of cotton string. A type of neckwear called Sa-o was sported from which hung a tiger’s tooth and a rooster’s feather or two. Boitong, a sleeveless shirt, usually white in colour, resembled the modern waist-coat. The men also carried additional clothing, slung over either shoulder or both. A loin-cloth quite like the Indian Dhoti covered the lower body. Chempai or sheath bearing a Chempong or machete was loosely strapped around the waist by a leather belt or a cord. This paraphernalia produced a sound klak-klok, klak-klok that indicated a Kuki male was passing by within earshot. Paipeh or a sort of shoulder bag woven from bamboo or cane was used to carry odds and ends, including the ubiquitous tobacco (used by both men and women) and food items like boiled rice, dried meat and some vegetable. Paipeh was normally fitted with a leather strap and slung from the right side shoulder. 

Kuki women’s apparel:

Bare-footed like the men, the Kuki women wear a knee-length ponve, a type of lungi or wrap-around. Ponve is wrapped from above the breasts with one end tucked-in under the left arm. A petticoat named Nih of red and black stripes is fastened by a string at the waist. Khi or necklace made of red and blue beads was a popular adornment. The hair was properly greased with animal fat, neatly combed, braided in two strands parted at the centre and brought round either side of the head and knotted above the forehead. The fabric for making the apparels was woven from cotton grown on the lands and spun at home by the womenfolk. A woman skilled in weaving was highly prized and much sought after for a wife by eligible young men. Every Kuki girl therefore learnt the skill of weaving; it was rare to find one unskilled in the art. Attired in these set of clothes, in the olden days, one was able to distinguish Kuki women from women of other communities. Today, conscious efforts are made to preserve traditional Kuki clothing (sometimes with imaginative modifications), culture, customs and tradition for posterity’s sake. Traditional dresses continue to adorn the women at Kuki festivals, social functions and other formal occasions. 

The ceremonial meat and its sharing:

Certain norms are followed in the distribution of the ceremonial meat of animals slaughtered for an occasion for particular categories of people in the community. For instance, tucha is always apportioned the waist portion, because he is born of a woman from the family of the ego. This specific is termed konglo sa, meaning a reward of the labour of the waist of women. The neck portion called sangong is always earmarked by custom as the share of the mother’s brother, father, or her male offspring, who are all sunggao to the ego. This expresses recognition that because of the woman of the sunggao, the family of the ego came into being. It is believed that just as the neck is the source of survival of animal, the maternal kinsman is considered the source of life of the family of the ego. Becha are entitled the rib portion as it is in close proximity to the heart; becha being the personification of the ego is entitled this portion. Similarly, the flesh on the spine is the preserve of head of the clan. The upper portion of flesh on the spine called themsa is given to the village priest and sakeng, the right front leg of the animal, goes to the village chief as recognition of his authority in village administration. 

Shom:

Shom is a Kuki term for institution of learning and bachelors’ dormitory, which was normally set up in a household. It was an active and inspiring institution for the Kuki youth where the medium of instruction was the oral tradition. In shom the youth also learnt about their role in society and other essential responsibilities. Its contribution to Kuki society has been invaluable in the political, military and economic spheres. Shom, in contrast to similar institutions in other communities practiced a tradition of several of its members collectively courting unmarried girls in their homes. However, typical of chauvinistic Kuki society, there was no shom or an equivalent institution for the girls. Shom-Upa, the leader, was responsible for the management of shom and was obeyed and respected by all its members. The village chief was the de facto authority of shom by virtue of his position, but did not interfere in its day-to-day administration. Each shom had two strata of members, namely seniors and juniors. The seniors who were well-versed in Kuki lore and tradition passed on their knowledge to the juniors, who in turn assumed a similar role when their time came. 
Shom was also like a family institution and its members performed household duties and chores, such as repairing of baskets, preparation of cane splits to make strings called naang, and collecting building materials from the forest. Shomnu or female at shom on her part mended the young men’s clothes, arranged sleeping places, provided night blankets woven at home, offered tobacco leaves and combed their hair (Kuki boys and men traditionally sported long hair and were known as tuhbemsom). Despite the intimate relations and close association at shom, promiscuity or cases of unmarried pregnancy were unheard of. Politically, the institution of shom was the backbone of the village; militarily it was the defence force and standing army, and educationally it was the centre for learning discipline, moral and psychological training and social virtues. In spite of its educational value and social relevance, the institution of shom has faded in Kuki society. However, the manifold qualities of shom and the activities continue to be an inherent part of Kuki society. 

Lawm:

Lawm is another important Kuki social organisation. Lawm is a vocabulary in a Kuki dialect, literally meaning ‘team work’ or ‘corporate labour’. Lawm is comprised of Kuki youth, both male and female members of each household in the village. The members of Lawm used to work in each others fields in rotation regardless of the capability of each individual. It was a collective social service aimed at developing a sense of responsibility among the youth. It was an important institution around which revolved the socio-economic life of the village. A set own code of conduct prevailed and whoever violated them bore the brunt of the members. 
Lawm had many office bearers to whom specific duties were assigned. Lawm-Upa, the leader was the main functionary of lawm, whose duty was to maintain discipline among the members. Next in the hierarchy was Lawm-Lhangva or Tollaipao, the spokesman who used his Taithing Tenggol (walking stick) to maintain discipline among the members from morn till dusk. Lawm-Pengkul Mut or trumpeter, who sounded his instrument once early in the morning to wake up the Lawm members, and the second time in the evening to announce supper was ready to be served, followed next. Sounding his trumpet the third time, he would proceed toward the Lawm-Khomol, a gathering point outside the village, where the trumpet was sounded thrice, following which everyone proceeded to work in the fields. Other office bearers include Lawm-Upanu or leader of the female group, whose main duty was keep strong vigilance on the proper wearing of dresses by lady members. They were also responsible for preventing improper liaison developing among the womenfolk and members of Lawm-Becha/Tucha or supervisors, who distributed wine and prepared food at social functions and festivals of Lawm, and also Lawm-Twuikhai or water supply groups. The younger members of Lawm were normally assigned the duty of supplying water regularly for the use of the members. The main objective of Lawm was to bring economic development in the village by working together in the fields on a rotational basis. Lawm also served as the training centre for the youths to learn methods of cultivation, acquire the habits of charity so as to extend help to the needy, the destitute and widows in the village. The institution also acted as an agency for reforming character, motivating them in the art and spirit of team work and making them responsible and disciplined persons whose characters are moulded by the qualities of Lawm. 

Language:

The richness and beauty of Kuki culture also lies in the plethora of dialects that are mutually intelligible. The dialects have a common root-language, which is tonal. Quite similar to the English language, some of the same words with the same spelling have multiple meaning and tones. For example, lei (bridge), lei (tongue), and lei (earth). Adverbs are important part of Kuki dialects. Depending on its usage, an adverb can describe an ugly subject in a rather beautiful form and vice versa. For instance, ahoimo sise-e or ahoimo selsul e (rough translation: The object is quite ugly!) and ahoi hen hun e, (honestly, this expression defies interpretation to reflect its original meaning in English!) 
La Pao, a lyrical expression of traditional songs is an embodiment of the richness and beauty of Kuki culture. An example in La pao is the description of God: 
Nipi kot a mang, lhapi kot a mang Nilhum sahthei, khovah sahthei Pen kipatna, poh kipatna Alhum penna, ael penna Nichchen penna, paitin penna Nipi chunga mang, lhapi chunga mang Leipi thosom le tholi chunga mang Vanpi thosom le tholi chunga mang 

It is asserted that in every fifteen days, a language disappears. Certainly, a language or a culture will not disappear just like that! They will disappear only when those who speak the language or practice the culture do not seek to preserve them. If a language disappears, there is not only the danger of the culture disappearing, but also their ethnicity. 

The naming of a new born child:

Every traditional Kuki person’s name bears a meaning of significance. Following the birth of a child a temporary name is assigned. After a few days, a simple ceremony called Nao-Andop is performed in reception of the child. Kuki names are normally formed of a combination of three to four syllables. This traditional form of naming a child ensures continuity of his or her lineage. The eldest son is named after his paternal grandfather, the second son after his maternal grandfather; the first daughter is named after the paternal grandmother, the second daughter after the maternal grandmother and son on. In this form of naming, in the case of the firstborn male child, the last syllable of his paternal grandfather is taken to from the beginning part of the child’s name, and the second son’s beginning with the last syllable of his maternal grandfather. For example, if Thangkhosei is the grandfather’s name, the grandson’s name will without exception begin with the ending syllable ‘Sei’ and continue with a preferred middle ‘kho’ and an ending ‘lun’ (Seikholun) or any other combination of the second and third syllables bearing appropriate meaning. 
In exceptional cases, the naming of an offspring is derived from the name of a close relative, a close friend, or someone thought to be worthy of remembrance by the child’s parents. At any rate, appropriate and meaningful names are given to the child with the view that the child may live up to the name. On a day convenient to both the families, the child is taken to the mother’s father’s house for blessings called Naopui. 

Community festivals:

In the olden days Kukis used to celebrate a good number of festivals which could carry on for over a week. The festivals are primarily about thanksgiving and dedication to Pathen/Pasian or the Supreme God. The main thanksgiving festivals were Chang Kut (paddy), Mum Kut (Job’s tear), Pawl Kut (general harvest), Chapphou/Chapchar Kut (in preparation for jhum or swidden cultivation, which involves clearing of the land by slash and burn method), Lawm Sel Neh (a celebration by young people after the season’s work is over) and Hun or Ahkangtha (celebrated after planting of grains and vegetables, an occasion of worship in which a white rooster is sacrificed without breaking any of its bones). The other two important youth festivals were Shom Kivah and Lawm or Lawm Kivah (members of Shom and Lawm are feasted for their dedicated work). Prior permission of the chief was essential for actual preparations for any feast to begin. 
A convivial atmosphere with drinking ju (normally rice beer), feasting, dancing and singing were integral parts of the feasts. These occasions also helped to maintain continuity of culture and tradition (with their deeper meanings and purposes) than just the outward show of pomp and merry-making would suggest. Another important purpose of the feasts was to offer thanks to Pathien/Pasian (God), who it was believed bestowed blessings of good health and prosperity. The young men would find the longest, straightest and biggest wild bamboo available and erect it at a central place where the Lawm festival would be held. Festival time was a break from months of hard work for the village youths. They would compete in various sports, such as wrestling, pestle-throw; high jump over a mithun or bison (made immobile by being fastened securely to very stout and solid poles) was a major highlight. 
Most of the traditional festivals, which in the past reflected a state of peace and prosperity, are not widely celebrated at the present time. An exception is Kut, a harvest festival, which provides an occasion for many of the Kuki clans to come together and celebrate their common ethnicity. Kut is celebrated on 1 November in the state of Manipur. Mim Kut is held in the state of Nagaland on 17 January. Both these dates have been declared State holidays. 

Feasts of Honour:

Besides the various community festivals, there were others pertaining to individual achievements, which served as social indices. The most important among them were Chang Ai (a celebration of bounteous rice harvest in which a lady of the particular household is given pride of place), Sa Ai (marked a persons bravery and success as a hunter) and Chon (celebrated by only those who performed the first two feasts of merit, Chang Ai and Sa Ai). 
Chang Ai was a feast dedicated to womenfolk’s achievement. It was celebrated as thanksgiving for a bountiful harvest, the fruit of their labour. As in other feasts of honour, a special pot of ju was prepared, which only those who had performed Chang Ai feast could partake of. The woman who celebrated the last feast of Chang Ai was given the honour of being the first to drink the ju served in a specially made earthen jar using a bamboo reed as straw. 
Sa Ai denoted a man’s wealth, skill, and bravery in hunting. A man performing Sa Ai must have killed many wild and dangerous animals, such as the tiger, bear, elephant and bison. Such a man who celebrated Sa Ai was assumed to obtain an advantageous position in the after-life at a place called Mithi kho (village of the dead). He was also supposed to gain possession of the spirits of his enemies and the wild animals he had killed during his lifetime on earth. A special jar of ju was given to the man, not only during the celebration but also at every such feast. 
Chon was the most expensive festival of all. It could be executed only by those who had performed Sa Ai thrice. During this festival every single aspect had to be repeated seven times. For instance, seven mithuns were to be killed and everything else had to be in multiples of seven. Even the traditional songs and genealogical trees were to be repeated seven times. At the death of the persons who had performed these feasts of honour in their lifetime, the body was carried about and bounced up and down (called Lap) nine times on the way to the tomb before finally being buried. A most significant and moving moment of these celebrations was the drinking of a special wine called Dokheng Ju. This ritual symbolised unity in any eventuality even at the cost of committing one’s own life. 

Musical instruments:

The Kukis have different kinds of musical instruments for different occasions. The most important of these are Khongpi (big drum), Khongcha (small drum), Dahpi (big gong), Dahcha (small gong), Pengkul (trumpet), Gosem (similar to the Scottish bagpipe, but made from a hollowed gourd with cane reeds serving as pipes), Theile (flute), Theiphit (whistle), Lhemlhei (English name ?? used exclusively by the females). These musical instruments enhanced the festivity spirit as well as air a sense of solemnity. 

Folktales:

There are many folktales that remain common among the Kukis even though they have been geographically dispersed far and wide. Legendary tales of our heroes and heroines, such as of Galngam/Rhalngam and Hangsai, Khupting and Ngambom, Pujil and Langchal, Benglam, Jonlhing and Nanglhun, Chemtatpa/Temtatpu, Changkhatpu and Ahsijolneng, Khalvompu and Lenchonghoi have regaled many generations. Folklore of Zale’n-gam, the Kuki country, abounds with Kuki warriors courting heavenly beauties, such as Moultinchan, Ahsijolneng, Jonlhing and Jolphal. These stories have been passed down to generations upon generations through the oral tradition. Numerous imprints of Galngam and his animals are evident across the length and breadth of Zale’n-gam. Zale’n-gam: The Kuki Nation (1988) lists 24 such locations. The pugmarks left by Galngam’s dogs and mithuns are also featured. The mithun and the hornbill respectively represent the national animal and bird. 

Conclusion:

Culture and tradition are elements which preserve a people’s identity. They are characteristics which distinguish one people from other peoples. The world is blessed with diversity; and diversity must be celebrated. This is how the dreaded monotony of existence, exemplified in the story of IIorgath, is kept at bay. The unique and rich variety of Kuki culture and tradition make them distinct from their neighbouring communities. Their folktales are a part of the precious strand that links the Kukis dispersed within India, Burma and Bangladesh. 
Modernity and globalisation are realities of life pervading most of today’s communities around the world. These forces may have significant influences on the way people choose to live, but respect and appreciation of one’s own culture and tradition and of other’s can help maintain a healthy balance. Japan, which is a highly industrialised and modernised nation, is a positive model. Japan is an Asian nation that is modernised, but not necessarily westernised. The country retains its glorious traditions and old values and is eclectic in what it assimilates. Emulation of this Japanese way by communities, such as the Kukis with a heritage of culture and traditions would prove beneficial.